Dr. Elvis is a happy green.
The reader, M.K., conveyed his dissatisfaction at the divergent positions of the Sudanese on the role of foreign initiatives in resolving the Sudanese crisis, one of them rejecting any interference by the international community in the Sudanese cause, depriving it of national sovereignty, including those who welcome it, and deems it necessary to stop the war and address our crises.
The reader concluded his message, asking: how do we deal with foreign initiatives and the interventions of the international community in our issues, such as war in particular? Allow them or reject them and resist them? Although I have addressed this issue several times before, and from multiple perspectives, the response to the dear reader ' s question remains demanding and useful, and in today ' s article and a number of articles, I will revisit the subject and explain my vision in detail.
I begin by saying with urgency and objectivity the international community ' s interventions and foreign initiatives in our issues and crises, which are inevitable and objective, interpreted and justified by several factors, three of which are at the top:
The first is two objective facts that do not accept controversy or ignorance, the first is that we live in a world that does not accept isolation and isolation and is governed by the undeniable laws of globalization, which provide fertile ground for demonstrating an objective and inevitable phenomenon, namely, our interactions and overlaps between the components and countries of this world. This inevitable objective phenomenon has always come under the title of the quest for world security, peace and stability, and the second fact, although there is no immune country in the world against or excluded from political and social crises and disasters, but developing countries, or third world countries, are the settler of these crises and disasters, for reasons that are not discussed here, and the connotations of these two realities stem from our conviction that the interferences of the developing community as a means of conflict and of conflict are preventing the political tensions.
The second factor: When the crisis in a country is intense and the national political landscape fails to address crises that aggravate conflicts and political, social and ethnic conflicts, the international community then has to call upon United Nations measures and laws of international legitimacy, with a view to intervention and solutions, trying to impose stability in the country, and preventing tension from spreading.
We stand here to point out that experience says not all international interventions are good and in accordance with international law and the common good, but in the logic of power, domination and special interest, a subject that can be discussed in another area.
Third: The untiring pursuit of the international community, particularly States «First world» The driver and leader of the international community ' s interactions and movements, to protect its economic, trade and strategic interests, linked to global stability, to counteract the consequences of terrorism and to ensure the flow of economic transactions.
There is no country immune to or excluded from political and social crises and disasters in the world, but developing countries, or third world countries, are the settler of these crises.
In addition to resources, wealth and the fact that the Sudan is one of the key elements in providing food security at the regional and global levels, one of the other factors that make the Sudan the focus of international and regional forces is a unique strategic location, where it represents a vital African outlet to the Red Sea across a coast of about 850 km, as well as a bridge between the States of the Horn of Africa, Central Africa and the Arab world, while the strategic location assumes that it is a reality. «New Middle East»This adds to the hypothesis of its division into separate dwellings, which began in the South. It also enhances the possibility of a protracted conflict in the country to neighbouring States, particularly those already suffering from escalating political and social tensions and fragile security conditions.
جوهر المسألة إذن ليس في قبول أو رفض التدخلات الدولية في شؤوننا، فهي لابد منها في ظل علاقات العولمة، كما ناقشنا أعلاه، وتؤدي فعلها غض النظر عن إعلان قبولنا أو رفضنا لها، وإنما الجوهر يكمن في كيفية تعاملنا الصحيح معها، بمعنى أن نفرّق بوعي تام بين موضوعيتها وحتميتها هذه، وبين محتوى الحلول المضمنة فيها، وذلك وفق مبدأين رئيسيين: الأول، أن العلاج النهائي والناجع لأزماتنا ومشكلاتنا يكمن في داخل البلد، وينبع مننا نحن، ولن يأتينا من الخارج. والمبدأ الثاني، نحن لا نغفل سعي المجتمع الدولي والإقليمي لتحقيق مصالحه الخاصة والمرتبطة بضمان انسياب المعاملات الاقتصادية وبتحقيق الاستقرار العالمي وتجفيف منابع الإرهاب، بل نعترف بكل ذلك ونتفهمه ونتعاون فيه. ولكن، ما نود قوله، وبكل الحزم والصرامة، أن مصالح الخارج لا يمكن أن تكون على حساب مصالح شعبنا، وهذه لا يمكن أن تكون رهينةً لمصالح المجتمع الدولي أو تُضحّى بها على مذبحها.
عموما، لا يمكننا أن ننكر ما قدّمه المجتمع الدولي من مساهمات جليلة لإطفاء نيران الحروب وإخماد بؤر التوتر في العالم. ونحن نقر ونعترف بأن بلادنا نالها نصيب من هذه المساهمات. بيد أن إقرارنا واعترافنا هذا لن يعمينا عن أن نفرق، وبوعي تام، بين هذه المساهمات، كظاهرة موضوعية، بل ومطلوبة، وبين محتوى الحلول المضمنة فيها، والتي قد تتعارض مع تطلعاتنا، وأحيانا ربما تزيد الواقع تأزما وتعقيدا، مهما كانت كفاءة وقوة حجة علماء السياسة وبنوك التفكير المرتبطة بمراكز اتخاذ القرار في المجتمع الدولي. ونواصل المناقشة في المقالات التالية.
نقلا عن القدس العربي
